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NATIONALISM 
IN A NUTSH ELL 




EDWIN GILMORE RICHARDS 



L 



NATIONALISM IN 
A NUTSHELL 



OR 



The Government to Be, and 
How to Bring It About 



BY 

EDWIN GILMORE RICHARDS 

Author of "Nationalism" (1910) 



BROADWAY PUBLISHING COMPANY 
835 BROADWAY, NEW YORK 






*v 



Copyright, 191$, by 
EDWIN GILMORE RICHARDS 



SEP -5 1916 

©CI.A438239 



CONTENTS 



PAGE 

Introduction .... „ l#1 ,., ... ; . 9 

PART I 

Our Individual and National Well-Being 15 

Causes of Poverty and High Cost of Living 23 

WfiAT Nationalism Stands For . ,., ,. . 25 

"he Currency System . . . .., ., ... 28 

The Steps That Would Follow ., ,., »., 36 

The Railroad Problem . .. . ... .. ,. 40 

Commercialism, Labor, and the Unemployed 43 

False Ideas Regarding Commercialism ... 51 

Commercialism . . ,., « ,. . 54 

Insurance and Pension . . .. : m <• • 56 

Conclusion .... .., ., . .. .., . 59 

The Open Forum . ,. w w H ,., ,•, ,., 63 

PART II 

Index to Questions and Answers .... 64 
War Extra 112 



INTRODUCTION 



This book is written to set forth, in condensed 
form, the steps required to make this nation a na- 
tion which shall be in fact, as well as in name, a 
government of the people, for the people and by the 
people ; a people working together, scientifically pro- 
ducing and distributing all the necessities and many 
of the luxuries of life; a country where the distress 
of poverty shall be unknown and the high cost of 
living only a matter of history. 

It does not show up the filth and the mire and 
then leave the problem unsettled, nor does it pro- 
claim an individual-be-good remedy or a tax-them- 
into-goodness policy. Neither does it make great 
claims for certain actions, leaving the reader in the 
dark regarding the missing links, but gives suffi- 
cient details so that to read is to understand and to 
reason is to be convinced. 

In spite of the fact that there are those who see 
only class against class and ridicule any effort to 
win other than so-called wage earners, this book is 

9 



10 INTRODUCTION 

written to all the people, as was "Nationalism' ' 
(1910). 

It is radical and evolutionary, yet there are those 
who think it extremely mild. It is no dream, but 
instead is axiomatic, scientific, mathematical. Its 
claims are necessary consequences of the proposed 
actions. 

It does not claim to make angels out of human 
beings, but it does claim that man, as a rule, will be 
better morally, physically and spiritually, and that 
all may have abundance. 

Socialism ? Yes, according to my idea of Social- 
ism; possibly not, according to the ideas of all So- 
cialists. One might object because it appeals to "all 
the people/' another to my plan of purchasing the 
railroads, mines, etc., instead of confiscation, and 
still another to the graded wage; nevertheless, I 
have received words of praise and congratulation 
from leading Socialists, one of them writing con- 
cerning "Nationalism" (1910) : "It is beautifully 
printed, charmingly written and full of wisdom." 

As far as I am able to see, there is no difference 
in the final outcome. While the word "National- 
ism" might suggest narrowness, the thought en- 
circles the globe, but I feel we must work it out 
on a small scale ; still it must be national. 

I might liken "Nationalism" to the sugar- 



INTRODUCTION 11 

coated pill which cures the disease without the un- 
pleasant taste. The effect at the end may be the 
same as that of the bitter-tasting one, but why agon- 
ize in the meanwhile? 

Take the matter of the purchase of the railroads 
versus confiscation : I agree that if all the plans of 
the Socialists could be put into operation at once, 
there would be no injustice. But every Socialist 
admits it will take years. So that, to confiscate 
either directly, or indirectly by establishing compet- 
ing lines, express routes, parcel post, etc., and not 
establishing the plans for employment, pension or 
insurance, and distribution, for years, would be an 
injustice. 

I am informed that the parcel post has already 
been responsible for great losses and some suicides. 
It is not right or wise, where men have spent years 
in building up a business at great cost, according to 
the laws and customs, for the government so to 
change its laws and methods as to ruin these men. 
It is wise to make the changes, but they should be 
made in such a manner as not to injure any one. 

It may be said that our present system of doing 
business is confiscation, that all competition leads 
to confiscation, that the trusts and small capitalists 
and even the common laborers have always prac- 
ticed this, and that it is not so bad for the govern- 



; 



12 INTRODUCTION 

ment, with the public good in view, to do likewise. 
But there is no need of it, nothing to be gained by 
it, and by the method proposed herewith it is self- 
evident there would be no injustice though it took 
years to establish the balance of the system. 

The man of small means would lose nothing, and 
the multi-millionaire would still have "money to 
burn/' though, if the graded tax was fully applied, 
his wealth would be greatly reduced, as far as 
figures go, and he would cease to draw interest, 
profit and rent from the poor and middle classes. 

Wealth would in future be acquired only by serv- 
ice given to others, not taken from others by 
schemes, without service. Money would then repre- 
sent so much service rendered and not taken up, 
while to-day it means so much taken up and there 
are grave doubts about the service having been 
rendered. 

While we would establish public ownership in 
much land and in many tools, factories and dwelling 
houses, we would have nothing taken from the in- 
dividual which was essential to his well-being, and 
nothing without just compensation. Neither do we 
expect government ownership of all land, tools, etc. 

The book presents the solution of many of the 
great social problems of to-day: the poverty ques- 
tion, the white slave trade, the slum, the problem 



INTRODUCTION 13 

of intemperance, the trusts, the high cost of living-, 
the middleman, the unemployed, the criminal, the 
divorce problem, and the great handicaps which 
hinder individual regeneration. 

Part I was prepared as an address under the 
title, "Our Individual and National Well-Being." 

Part II consists of answers to questions which 
are often asked concerning "Nationalism" or 
"Socialism." 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 



PART I 
Our Individual and National Well-Being 

We may not realize the extent to which our 
individual well-being is dependent upon our na- 
tional, nor what part the degradation of the other 
fellow plays in our own life. These things come 
to us by such roundabout ways that we are unable 
to trace any connection. 

Can it be nothing to us that one-tenth of all those 
who die in New York City are buried at public ex- 
pense, in a pauper's grave? Is it nothing to us that 
crime flourishes in, and is to a large extent the re- 
sult of, poverty, or that the birth and death rates 
are enormous in the slums ? 

A great war, the bullet of the assassin, the strike 
and the riot, an assault or a burglary, may some- 
times drive a little of the truth home, but it must 
be something of a startling nature. 

15 



16 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

I would therefore, briefly, call your attention to 
what some who have been on the spot say regarding' 
these things. 

Mr. Robert Hunter w r rites in "Poverty" : 

"The evils of poverty are not barren, but pro- 
creative, and the workers in poverty are, in spite of 
themselves, giving to the world a litter of miser- 
ables, whose degeneracy is so stubborn and fixed 
that reclamation is almost impossible, especially 
when the only process of reclamation must consist 
of trying to force the pauper, vagrant, and weak- 
ling back into that struggle with poverty which is 
all the time defeating stronger and better natures 
than theirs." 

Again he writes : 

"I am at a loss to understand w T hy well-known 
and generally recognized poverty-breeding condi- 
tions, which are both unjust and unnecessary, are 
tolerated for an instant among a humane, not to say 
a professedly Christian people." 

"Poverty is not (always) the lack of things, it is 
the fear and dread of want." 

"To live miserable we know not why, to have the 
dread of hunger, to work sore and to gain noth- 
ing, — this is the essence of poverty." 

"To thousands and thousands of workmen the 
dread of public pauperism is the agony of their lives. 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 17 

The mass of workingmcn on the brink of poverty 
hate charity/' 

"When the poor face the necessity of becoming 
paupers, when they must apply to charity if they 
are to live at all, they desert their families and enter 
the ranks of vagrancy; others drink themselves 
insensible; some go insane; and still others commit 
suicide." 

"To continue in poverty for any long period: 
means in the end the loss of the power of doing 
work, and to be unable to do work, means in the end, 
pauperism." 

"Serfs and slaves were given at least enough to 
keep them physically well, but the present-day so- 
ciety has ignored the wisdom of this fair provision." 

Mr. Hunter quotes from Mr. John Hobson : 

"Modern life has no more tragical figure than 
the gaunt, hungry laborer wading about the crowded 
centers of industry and wealth, begging in vain for 
permission to share in that industry and contribute 
to that wealth, asking in return, not the comforts 
and luxuries of civilized life, but the rough food 
and shelter for himself and family, which would be 
practically secured to him in the rudest form of 
savage life." 

Mr. Hunter continues: 

"We are perhaps too prone to think of those in 



18 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

poverty as effortless beings, who make no fight for 
themselves and wait in misery until someone comes 
to assist them. Such an opinion is without any 
foundation/' 

"The poor in a broader sense of the word were 
busily at work and trying rather to conceal than to 
make evidence of their poverty/' 

"It is true that the beggar is more satisfied and 
content with the life of a vagrant than with the mis- 
erable lot of an unskilled, underpaid workman." 

"In so far as the work of the charitable is de- 
voted to reclamation and not to prevention, it is a 
failure." 

"It is a hopeless task to regenerate the degener- 
ate, especially when if the latter are to succeed, they 
must be made to again take up the battle with those 
very destructive forces which are all the time under- 
mining stronger, more capable, and more self-reliant 
men than they." 

"The all-necessary work to be done is not so much 
to reclaim a class which social forces are ever active 
in producing, as it is to battle with the social and 
economic forces Which are continuously producing 
recruits to that class." 

Miriam Finn Scott begins an article in Every- 
body's Magazine: 
"It is not a pleasant place to live, at the bottom, 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 19 

but millions of people in this broad rich America live 
there. They are honest and hard working, save for 
a comparative few. And yet, despite all their des- 
perate struggling they have not been able to crawl 
up out of the dark pit of life. 

"The pit is always full. 

'These pit-dwellers do not advertise their hard- 
ships ; they fight their battles silently, behind closed 
doors." 

Now I realize that I am not talking to those at the 
bottom, and many of us have our own problems, 
and are interested in our own high cost of living, in 
our own individual well-being. 

While w r e may not suffer as those at the bottom, 
we are truly paying a high price. It is not merely a 
matter of dollars and cents. We pay in overwork, 
in worry, in paralyzed human affections, in unde- 
veloped minds and hearts. We are bound down by 
a yoke which is not easy and a burden which is not 
light. And while it may not be one of our own 
creating, it is one of our own preserving to such 
extent as we neglect opportunities to inform our- 
selves and spread such knowledge as we may 
acquire. 

We may be above the line of abject poverty, but 
are we above the fear of it? There is not a day 
but many who considered themselves well-to-do find 



20 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

they are without money, without the means of sup- 
port. We are never sure that, without warning, 
we may be dragged into the abyss. 

In the same magazine, one of our millionaires, 
Mr. Thomas W. Lawson, says : 

"The United States is the most prosperous nation 
on the earth, but in the United States the very rich 
are few, comparatively few — the poor many. Ten 
thousand of the first and ninety-nine million, nine 
hundred ninety thousand of the last. The very few 
are continually growing richer and the many poorer. 

"The people know that the vast wealth which was 
theirs, and should be theirs, is being used by the few 
to enslave the many." 

The awfulness of these things has impressed many 
people from time to time, and they have asked : Is 
it necessary? Can it be changed? If so, how? 

As they ponder and investigate, some one of the 
many causes of our past and present disorders looms 
up before them. The enormity of even this one 
staggers and blinds them. They are convinced they 
have found the source of the whole trouble, while in 
truth they have discovered only one of many con- 
tributories. To one it may be the tariff, to another 
the middleman, or the trusts or the stock exchange 
with its watered stocks, or perhaps the individual 
ownership of and speculation in land. 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 21 

It is little wonder that one is overwhelmed and 
believes he has found the cause and a remedy. 
Nevertheless, if wc can keep our minds clear and 
eyes open, we shall find that to correct one of these 
evils would have an effect equal to that of removing 
a corn from the toe of a man afflicted with rheuma- 
tism, expecting the operation to cure the rheumatism. 

This I have tried to do, and to get at the bottom 
of things. I have listened to specialists on single tax 
and on watered stocks. I have read this and that 
plan, and I feel positive that every one of them, save 
Socialism, will tend only to prolong the agony. The 
fact that the individual ownership of land in large 
quantities is unjust does not prove that single tax 
will settle even the land problem, to say nothing of 
a thousand other problems. And while the stopping 
of stock-watering is very commendable and would 
be of great benefit in some ways, rich drones would 
even then be drawing from the workers, and we 
would be but touching the disease. 

Comparatively few have any realization of the 
wonderful possibilities of this world and country. 
Even religions, as a general thing, have expostu- 
lated on past miracles and heaven after death. They 
have had very little vision of "a land flowing with 
milk and honey" here and now. They see the giants 



22 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

as in the olden time, and fear to go up and take pos- 
session. 

May we have a vision of the "promised land," a 
realization of abundance, and start with the idea 
that it was made for all, that it must be for all, the 
weak as well as the strong, and that it is only just 
and right that all should enjoy their birthright. 

When I speak of the high cost of living I speak 
of it in a broad sense. Anything that does not give 
to the people the fullest returns for the effort ex- 
pended, is high cost of living. 



CAUSES OF POVERTY AND 
HIGH COST OF LIVING 

Among the many causes of poverty and the high 
cost of living we find a lack of oneness of purpose, 
chaotic effort, unorganized work, an everybody-for- 
himself policy. All over the earth, the brainiest men 
are thinking and planning, not how to render serv- 
ice but how to win out, how to make money. The 
energy of thousands is wasted in this manner. If 
all this brain power could be directed into right 
channels, into study of cooperative production and 
distribution, and education along such lines, who can 
estimate the wonderful results that would follow ? 

This everybody-for-himself policy leads to the 
strong taking advantage of the weak and permits 
them to do so and, in many cases, this strength lies 
in the mere inheritance of wealth, which wealth is 
used to bind even heavier burdens on the unfortu- 
nate. 

Every possible means is used by these financiers, 
as they are called. They create trusts, obtain special 
privileges, take from the people, for no service, 
many times that which they themselves are able to 

23 



24 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

use, in spite of all their extravagance. So that with 
millions starving, and other millions in sore distress, 
and still others in growing fear of want, they gather 
to themselves enormous fortunes and by so doing 
stop the normal production and distribution of the 
products of labor. 

The capitalist and his system have been weighed 
In the balance and found wanting, and his power 
and opportunity must be taken from him and used 
by all the people for all the people. In this we have 
a system of a nation for a nation and by a nation; 
hence, "Nationalism/' 

By this system we dispose of all the other causes 
which have been advanced as the causa of our 
troubles : Trusts, watered stocks, middlemen, inter- 
est, and the great land problem ; and eventually that 
other great cause of poverty and the high cost of 
living — intemperance. 






WHAT NATIONALISM STANDS 

FOR 

Nationalism, as I use the word, stands for the 
national ownership and operation of all things nec- 
essary for the well-being of the people. But this 
does not mean that all shall necessarily be direct em- 
ployees of the Government. Business wherein large 
amounts of capital are necessary, which are now run 
by trusts and large corporations, such as telephones, 
telegraphs, railroads, express routes, mines, etc., will, 
very likely, be monopolized, because of the large 
amount of capital required. 

The foolish laws to prevent combines, which are 
now being enacted, will be unnecessary when Na- 
tionalism is fully established, because the right or 
minimum price will be established by the nation, and 
those who serve independently will be obliged to 
render equal or better service, at as low a price, by 
that law of competition which they clamor for so 
much. 

Nationalism is for the public ownership of the 
saloon and the brewery (if they are to continue), 
that there shall be no temptation to sell inferior 
liquors or to increase the business. 

25 



26 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

It stands for the abolition of our present money- 
system and. the substitution of the credit system, as 
explained later. 

It stands for the national ownership of railroads, 
express routes, telegraphs and telephones and such 
land as may be desired for any purpose, either for 
mining, traffic, factory sites, storehouses, or for agri- 
cultural purposes, as well as for loaning or leasing 
with or without buildings, to individuals for homes. 
It stands for the national ownership of patents, that 
the benefits may go to all the people, and for direct 
payment to the inventor, either in annual payments 
or in a lump sum, that men may be encouraged to 
invent. 

We hold that the Government should raise and 
manufacture all things that are needed by the people 
and should establish means of selling and delivering 
them to the people, that there shall be no waste in 
the production, manufacture or distribution of the 
same, and that the people shall be sure of what they 
are buying and not be urged to buy what they do 
not need. 

We hold that the Government should furnish em- 
ployment to all citizens who apply, paying according 
to fitness and the demand for the particular position ; 
due consideration being taken of danger, etc. 

We hold that the minimum and maximum wages 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 27 

should be drawn more closely together, though we 
do not recommend absolute equality of wage, and 
that the maximum wage be as open to competition 
as is the minimum. 

We hold that a universal system of insurance and 
pension should be established, so that the fear of 
poverty in old age may be banished from the mind 
and that this protection shall come not as charity 
but as so much due. 






THE CURRENCY SYSTEM 

One of thfe greatest drawbacks to government 
ownership has always been the financing of the 
proposition. And it has been urged that it would be 
impossible to raise the money for the undertaking. 

For that reason I propose to take up that great es- 
sential for the success of the proposition and for the 
well-being and prosperity of the people. 

It has been said that "the love of money is the 
root of all evil." As truly might it be said that our 
present currency system is the invention of an evil 
one. For it is the system that has led to the "love 
of money" and it is the system that has led men to 
defraud, that has led to our "frenzied finance." It 
is the system that has caused poverty and driven men 
to drink, that has caused the downfall of both boys 
and girls. Millions have gone to an earthly hell, not 
for the love of money but for the lack of it, and the 
system was and is the direct cause of this lack of 
money. It has deprived of the privilege of doing so 
those who were willing to work. It keeps a just 
wage from those who do w^ork and gives abundance 
to those who neither work nor render any service 
whatever. 

28 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 29 

There may or may not be unique features in this 
currency system, but its application to Nationalism is 
certainly essential. 

In order that I may make this proposition per- 
fectly clear, I will first use an illustration, but bear 
in mind that it is only an illustration, and that we 
shall soon advance to the real currency system. 

We will therefore consider that the nation shall 
establish ledgers of account in the various sections 
of the country, and that each individual shall have an 
account on one of these ledgers. 

Any service he may render, or anything he may 
sell to the nation, shall be credited on his account. 
On the other hand, any service that may be rendered 
to him or any goods that may be sold to him by the 
nation shall be charged to his account. 

If the Government desires to purchase land, rail- 
roads, factories or anything else, it would credit the 
owner with the amount of the purchase price, 
whether his holdings were in the form of shares or in 
direct ownership. The individual might draw an 
order or check on his account, which he could use 
in his dealings with others. 

It is plain that by this method the Government 
would have no interest to pay, no bonds to sell, no 
capitalist to consult, no need to waste time or wealth 
buying and storing gold and silver. So we may start 



30 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

any good undertaking as quickly as we may desire, 
provided we have the men to do the work. We may 
buy land for building purposes or for raising crops 
or for mining. We may buy or build railroads, fac- 
tories, stores or storehouses. 

To-day business is dependent upon the whims of 
the moneyed people, or the confidence of investors, 
and it matters not how many of the community may 
desire a thing or whether there is an abundance of 
workers to perform the task. 

For example: we have been waiting and hoping 
for electric power service on the New Haven rail- 
road between Boston and Providence; yet, although 
we may be unanimous in our desire, and although 
there may be two laborers for every one who would 
be required, the work cannot go forward until such 
time as money can be advanced by certain other peo- 
ple. In fact, our money system is a contrivance to 
keep the nation and the people under the powder of 
the few rich. So men go without work and patrons 
without improvements and safeguards, when, with 
proper government ownership, including this pro- 
posed currency system, all good things could be 
pushed forward as fast as laborers could do the 
work. 

I trust I have made this ledger illustration serve 
its purpose, and have shown the possibility of a cor- 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 31 

rect record without dependence upon capitalists and 
without being subject to interest charges. 

We will now advance to the proposed currency 
system or medium of exchange, which shall perform 
exactly the same office as that of the ledgers ; and at 
the same time have all the conveniences of our pres- 
ent-day money, without its drawbacks. 

In place of the ledgers we would 'have the Govern- 
ment issue credit certificates made in the same man- 
ner, form and general appearance as our bank notes 
or gold and silver certificates of to-day, and in simi- 
lar denominations. The only difference would be in 
the wording, which would state that the United 
States guaranteed the certificates. 

It will be seen that in the ledger example, the ex- 
pense would be only for the cost of the books and 
the bookkeepers, while in the use of the certificates 
we would have the cost of the paper and the print- 
ing and would save the cost of the bookkeepers. 

In addition to these certificates, simply for con- 
venience in handling, we would have coins as at pres- 
ent; pennies, nickels, 25-cent-pieces: nothing larger 
would be needed. Dimes and half-dollars might be 
made if thought best. 

We would then have established a currency sys- 
tem, a medium of exchange, a record-of-service sys- 
tem which would be inexpensive, interchangeable, 



32 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

and as unlimited as the leaves on an unlimited num- 
ber of ledgers. It might be used precisely as our 
money to-day, deposited in government banks and 
checked out as desired, in which case we would of 
course have ledgers in actual use, in addition to the 
currency, as we do to-day, the only difference being 
that we would have the word and the resources of 
the whole nation back of it instead of those of a 
single bank or trust company. 

This currency would be loaned by the nation, on 
good security, the same as by the banks to-day, 
except that the rates would be lower; perhaps in 
some cases there would be no interest charges at all. 

The United States is at this time adopting a cur- 
rency system which may be easily worked into the 
one I am proposing. It is, in fact, fiat money — cer- 
tificates of credit; and it is proposed to loan these 
certificates to banks at a low rate of interest, but 
the banks can reloan at a much higher rate. 

Our bankers and financiers manipulate all laws so 
that measures supposed to be for the people work out 
to their own advantage. Even the postal savings- 
bank is so used, the Government standing the ex- 
pense of collecting the money, guaranteeing the prin- 
cipal and the interest, and then turning it over to the 
banks at less than cost, but the banks can use it to 
make great gains. For this reason I place no reli- 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 33 

ance upon the experiment, but it is good to see it 
as evolutionary, a stepping-stone to the real thing. 

Certainly if it is sound business policy to loan on 
notes, it is more so to receive the full value in labor, 
land or any other good thing. And on the other 
hand, if fiat money is good under our present sys- 
tem, it will be very much better when the frenzied 
financier is extinct. 

Gold as money or as a standard of value, is idiotic, 
barbaric, expensive and a large factor in the high 
cost of living. Money is to-day, and by right ought 
to be, legal currency by the act and guarantee of the 
Government. Limited currency means unemploy- 
ment, which means poverty, pauperism, vagrancy, 
crime, murder and suicide. 

The capitalists have made no great howl about 
this fiat money, and I have no doubt they intend 
to work it for all it is worth, that they may add 
to their own wealth. They will try to make it 
a failure if they think it is for their interest to do so. 
We can therefore tell absolutely nothing as to 
whether it is good or bad by the results which will 
appear. Its value lies in its adaptation to National- 
ism. Of course the capitalists will object to any- 
thing that will take away their power of exacting 
profits, rent and interest. Wealth, in the future, 
will be the real service-renderers, which w r ill include 



34 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

both mental and manual laborers. Individuals as 
holders of land, houses and tools have proved them- 
selves totally unfit for the trust. 

These fellows who are always harping about gold 
as a standard and of the necessity of gold back of 
our paper money, and sneering about fiat money, re- 
mind me of the story of "Pat." Pat had all his 
wealth in the local savings-bank. Having heard the 
rumor that the bank had failed, he rushed to the bank 
and demanded his money. But upon being handed 
his balance in full, stood aghast, and after a mo- 
ment blurted out : "Begorra, if I can get it, I don't 
want it." Now this is exactly what these fellows 
would do if they were paid off in gold. They would 
rush to the bank, deposit the gold and take a credit 
slip. If they can get it they don't want it. And 
what is the certainty of even the best bank compared 
with the nation, which includes not only that bank, 
but all the rest of the banks, and all the land within 
its borders, and which, if necessity required, could 
levy on the full wealth of all? There could be 
nothing more sound. 

On the other hand, gold is not sound ; its value as 
a medium of exchange is purely psychological, all in 
the mind. The moment people get this fact into 
their heads, gold will greatly depreciate. Gold is 
good only when it can be palmed off on somebody 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 35 

else for something of real value — grain, tea, sugar, 
houses, etc. Yet we spend valuable time digging it, 
and in building storehouses and vaults for it 

The one great drawback in New Zealand has been 
its currency system. But in spite of that they are 
far ahead of other countries because they have 
adopted some of the principles of Socialism, and 
their prominent thought is the well-being of the peo- 
ple. One of the results of this is that the death 
rate of children is less than that of any other coun- 
try in the world. 

It is interesting to find that experiments in New 
Zealand tend to show the correctness of claims and 
recommendations printed years ago, whereby I de- 
clared against single-tax methods, and in favor of 
the taking of land for those who would use it, by 
the right of eminent domain. In New Zealand they 
tried the former, with no improvement, and then 
adopted the latter with great success. 



THE STEPS THAT WOULD 
FOLLOW 

The steps that would follow the adoption of the 
currency system can hardly be arranged in one-two- 
three order. As rapidly as possible the nation 
should buy the telephones, telegraphs, railroads, 
stores, storehouses, mines, land, etc. It is very 
probable that some of this work will be done very 
soon as it is; if so, the Government should, upon 
the adoption of the currency system, immediately 
take up all bonds which were given in the purchase 
thereof, as well as all other bonds which might be 
outstanding. This would immediately stop inter- 
est on all these outstanding bonds and debts, in- 
cluding Panama bonds and war debts. 

The Government should establish insurance and 
pension systems; also its chain of employment 
bureaus, which will have the whole employment 
situation before it, keeping the perfect balance of 
production, distribution and employment. It should 
buy food already produced and start producing 
more. In fact it should enter every field whereby 
it might render service, either by furnishing em- 

36 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 37 

plovment or reducing the cost or improving the 
quality. 

One of my single-tax friends asked me what I 
would do first, if I had the bringing in of National- 
ism. Understanding his singleness of thought, 
which would reform all things with a single stroke, 
I replied: I would feed the people. We would not 
expect a horse to work until he was well-fed and in 
good condition. This would not only be the right 
thing to do, but would also be good business policy. 
The poor would begin to realize that at last a 
change had been made, would take courage, become 
enthusiastic and patriotic. 

Some will, of course, say these people would lie 
down and wait to be fed. We are not proposing a 
continuance of this feeding proposition to peo- 
ple who are able, except they render service. But 
we do propose that no one shall be obliged to ask 
twice for a job. 

We fully realize that many are so affected with 
degeneracy that they will never become very effi- 
cient, and probably will always be more or less of a 
burden. But it has been our system, to a large ex- 
tent, which has produced them and we must bear the 
results of our errors. 

Great as is our currency system, it is but a means 
to an end, and that end is the just distribution of 



38 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

wealth, and of the opportunity to take part in that 
production. National production and distribution 
is not the difficult proposition the capitalists would 
have us believe and the greatest difficulties will be 
those deliberately planned by them. The propo- 
sition will be much easier than the large corpora- 
tion problem to-day. They have dividends to pay 
and profits to make, they have more or less competi- 
tion and also advertising; all of which the Govern- 
ment will not have, although it will have descriptive 
literature. 

Nationalism is, in a way, competition, but it is 
the right kind, not the kind that lifts itself up while 
pushing the other fellow down. Instead of that, 
while trying to attain the highest efficiency as a gov- 
ernment, it will, at the same time, assist any who 
prefer to work independently, selling to them at the 
lowest figure and giving them full price for their 
products, but they must be real links and must run 
their part efficiently in order to succeed. 

As the Government establishes stores, other 
stores will be obliged to meet Government prices. 
So it will be with the production of corn, wheat, 
oats, cattle, sheep, etc. The matter will work itself 
out to the best advantage of all. It may be that 
all will prefer to work for the Government directly. 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 39 

The attitude should be one of mutual helpfulness 
with no attempt to hinder any one in any way. 

Of course the Government will establish a com- 
plete equipment for slaughtering, shipping and 
storing all kinds of meats, as well as for the raising 
of all kinds of fruit, etc. 

All these things go to establish the lowest cost to 
the consumer and the highest wage to the worker. 
Not only will we have the watchword "Safety 
First," but another fully as important — "Well- 
Being of All Paramount.'' And the capitalists will 
have the privilege of showing their oft-claimed su- 
periority of business management, against a worthy 
competitor. 



THE RAILROAD PROBLEM 

Much might be said on this subject, but many of 
the points have been discussed and are well under- 
stood. 

Aside from such control as the Government is un- 
dertaking, the railroads are under the management 
of directors, many of whom are directors in other 
railroads, banks, mining companies and other cor- 
porations. Some of these directors have admitted 
that in the hands of bad men such control might be 
dangerous. 

Now it is very uncertain what even good men will 
do in these matters, for standards differ all the way 
from that of Jesus, which was "Let him that hath 
two coats give to him that hath none," to that of the 
fellows who think it is all right to have a billion "if 
one gets it honestly." 

Now that Mr. Mellen is out of the railroad busi- 
ness, he says, with truth, that no man in the railroad 
business earns $25,000 per year, and he has also 
made it quite plain that the reason why railroad 
managers get large salaries is because they can be 

40 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 41 

worked to work the public, not because of their effi- 
ciency in giving service to the public. 

Even from the stockholders' standpoint, we find 
they are not sure to get even the principal back, to 
say nothing of the uncertainty of dividends. Dur- 
ing the last few years we find New Haven stock sold 
as high as $255 and as low as $50, with others 
nearly as bad. It will be seen that one who bought 
at the high price and who might through fear or 
necessity sell at the low would lose more of the 
principal than the dividends would amount to in 
twenty years. 

The advantages which would come through gov- 
ernment ownership, such as greater safety, shorter 
hours, better service, and ability to finance, are gen- 
erally accepted, so that I will call attention to only 
one phase, the last mentioned. 

Outside of the proposition outlined under the cur- 
rency system, the best thing I have heard regarding 
the purchase is that the Government could borrow 
money at three per cent, interest, thereby saving the 
people from two to three per cent. My proposition 
saves the people this other three per cent, or a total 
of five to six per cent., and in the working out of the 
graded and inheritance taxes would, in addition, 
save a large part of the principal. Under the credit 
system, we will remember, it is only what is used 



42 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

that costs the people, while under our present system 
we slave that the idle rich may gloat over unused 
wealth, and it is the unused that costs us the most. 

The question of valuation at the time of purchase, 
I shall be glad to take up when the time comes. 



i 



COMMERCIALISM,LABOR,AND 
THE UNEMPLOYED 

Everyone will concede that there should be no 
class of unemployed, but there are those who are 
so uninformed as to believe the trouble lies with the 
individual. This has already been answered by the 
various non-Socialistic writers already quoted by 
me. Furthermore, I will say that it is impossible not 
to have such a class under our present system. It 
is absolutely impossible for a few to draw from the 
many, through the combination of profit, interest 
and rent ; or, in other words, it is impossible that the 
many producers and those willing to help, combined, 
shall receive less than sufficient to buy the things 
produced, aside from such portion as the other class 
(the rich non-producers) is able to use itself, with- 
out producing a poverty-stricken class. 

There are various ways in which this poverty class 
may be divided, depending upon the manner of let- 
ting out the w r ork. They may all be in distress, if 
the work is equally divided, or, if the rule of first 
come or of employing only the most efficient is fol- 
lowed, some may be quite well-to-do while others 

43 



44 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

will be absolute paupers. In any case there is bound 
to be an oversupply, so called. This is not a real 
oversupply, as the laborers and the unemployed 
could use all and would be glad to do so, and would 
be glad to assist in refilling the storehouses ; but the 
capitalists have all they can use, the workers have all 
they can buy, the unemployed must draw in some 
way from the other classes, either through charity 
or by begging or stealing, if they are to live at all. 
There is no way provided for distribution except 
with cash, no matter how willing the applicant may 
be, except through charity or semi-charity. 

The system is abominable. There is no way of 
telling whether a beggar deserves pity or help. If 
we go to the bottom of things we shall find they all 
need both. 

Now, Socialism or Nationalism provides a sys- 
tem which shall absolutely provide work for all who 
wish, not after asking twice, but just once. This can 
be accomplished only by collective action. 

It is self-evident that if we produce enough food, 
clothing and houses for all the people, there will 
surely be enough for them all. And again, if, in the 
production of these things, we employ all who want 
to work, there will be no class of unemployed who 
want to work. And, axiom No. 3, if, in the employ- 
ment, wage is given in proportion to the product, 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 45 

each will receive his proportion. While this is so 
simple as to seem foolish to talk about, it is not 
realized, else our condition would not be tolerated. 

To illustrate : If it required 1,000 hours per day 
to do all the work in the country and there were only 
100 people to do the work, it would require 10 hours 
per day per person, but if there were 200, it would 
require 5 hours, and if there were 500, then 2 
hours would be sufficient. And as in either case we 
produce all that is required, there is no reduction 
in wage. The addition of a few million men more 
or less makes absolutely no difference as long as the 
land and natural resources hold out, where all do 
their share. 

If, as will undoubtedly be found, we can produce 
sufficient for our needs in four or five hours per day, 
and there are those who desire to work longer, there 
will be many ways in which we can utilize labor. 
We can increase our teaching force, build better 
homes, roads, etc. There is always a demand for 
better things and we shall follow up improvements 
according to our ability and desire to work. 

Regarding the amount of wage : I do not believe 
in equality of wage, for equality of wage would 
mean, at least, equality of effort, and to demand 
equality of effort would be paternalism in the ex- 
treme. Some are contented with little and would 



46 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

not care to render service in excess of their demands, 
while others desire much and are willing and able to 
render much service. 

On the other hand, I do not believe in extremes of 
wage. Not only do large salaries take from the 
people, but they encourage extravagance and this ex- 
travagance extends on and on through Congress 
down to the bottom. 

A maximum wage is nearly as essential as a mini- 
mum, although if the high wage was as subject to 
competition as is the low one, there would he no 
danger of the wage being too high. 

Some time ago I read an article by Mr. Munsey 
in his magazine, in which he said : 

"There is no system of economics that can give 
you both high wages and low cost of living." 

My reply to this section of his article was as fol- 
lows : 

'The Divine Power, God, or Nature, has so or- 
dered the world that by using only a small part of 
the means and intelligence given, we can grow, man- 
ufacture and distribute many fold. God has given 
us the high wage and low cost of living. It is the 
capitalists who have made this combination seem im- 
possible, by taking from the people many times what 
they give in return. And this is augmented by our 
chaotic system of doing all kinds of work." 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 47 

The wage question can be settled rightly only 
when the Government handles the whole proposition. 

It is probable that there will be a gradual drawing 
together of the maximum and minimum wages. 
With the establishment of justice, the full wage, 
and employment to all, it will be seen that many of 
the labor troubles as we know them to-day will dis- 
appear. 

As one studies these problems it is surprising to 
find how many things which are good for one person 
do a direct injury to somebody else. The trade 
school, for example : the thought of the parent and 
those who see from the boys' standpoint is, What a 
fine thing for the boys! But how about the men 
who have only one trade and are depending upon 
that trade for their daily bread? They live in con- 
stant fear of the trade school, as they do of the ap- 
prentice. Some blame the union for trying to limit 
the number of the latter, but it means life or death to 
these old hands. 

Some complain because girls are taking the men's 
jobs, and girls complain that married women are 
taking theirs. 

It is a fact that men who have worked for 
years in one place and given good satisfaction, are 
being laid off because boys can be hired at half- 
price. 



48 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

The fellow at my side is my competitor. When 
work falls off, so that there is enough for only one, 
one of us must go. Each fellow looks with distrust 
on a new man. If we were working in a properly 
organized community, in which each was a part- 
owner as well as a co-worker, each would see in the 
other fellow one who was helping in the care of the 
community, one who was helping to carry the ex- 
pense of teachers, managers, roads, and the sick and 
aged. Instead of trying to hold back the apprentice, 
we would be more apt to do as the Eskimo dogs 
when they find a comrade shirking; give him a nip. 
Humanly speaking, we would encourage him and 
show him how to be more efficient. It is a well- 
known fact that the laborer to-day, whether union or 
not, discourages speed, lest he "work himself out of 
a job." All these troubles are reversed under Na- 
tionalism ; added efficiency and increased speed would 
cease to terrorize, for they would mean more in- 
dividual, as well as national, wealth, and no lay-off. 
All would rejoice in apprentices, for they would 
bring the age for pensions earlier in life ; and all the 
women who wanted to go into any line would be 
welcome — the more the merrier. 

The criminal is a product of our society and sys- 
tem, a product of commercialism. He is usually 
unemployed. He is bred by us, fostered by us, and 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 49 

finally supported by us. Diseased, sick and impris- 
oned, we let them out, sometimes, but we have no 
place for them. They must go begging individuals 
for jobs. They must lie in order to get them. If 
they are successful, it is not long before the truth 
comes out and they are discharged. For the State 
to provide work under commercialism would be con- 
sidered an injustice both to and by labor and capital. 
They would say it would be placing a premium on 
wrong-doing and would be driving the non-convict 
to both pauperism and crime. 

Under Nationalism convicts or ex-convicts might 
do as much as they could, without harm to anyone; 
in fact the convict should be made to contribute to 
the community, but the community should cease to 
manufacture criminals. 

The street of the slum is the school for crime, but 
they tell us that the jails and prisons are the colleges 
where the finishing touches are put on, where for a 
slight offence a person is thrown in among hardened 
criminals and in a short time comes out as bad as 
any of them. 

Since writing the above we have had this fact 
brought to our attention again by the case of t3xe 
noted criminal Robinson, with a record of at least 
four murders. It was in jail where he was stim- 
ulated and taught, and where he resolved to enter 



50 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

larger fields of crime. Jack Rose has a story worth 
listening to regarding commercialism as a factor in 
the production of criminals. Have you any plan for 
these fellows who have fallen, or any that will keep 
them from falling? We have. 



FALSE IDEAS REGARDING 
COMMERCIALISM 

False ideas regarding commercialism have pos- 
session of the people. They talk of making business, 
of wealth made by trading, etc. Trading does not 
make wealth. It wastes that already made. True, 
some get rich through it, but the wealth never 
increases. It merely changes hands. Wealth in- 
creases through labor and natural growth. Trade 
is good to such extent as it enables exchange of 
commodities, not otherwise. Many believe that to 
transport goods from one place to another is a good 
thing, because, as they say, it furnishes employment. 

Every day our newspapers put out articles against 
Socialism and government ownership which show no 
real conception of the proposition. Here is one of 
them, entitled "Job Making/' referring to a cer- 
tain election which hinged on the claim that 27 city 
employees were employed in loading a single tip- 
cart. It commented upon the tendency in cities and 
towns to hire the surplusage of labor, and closed 
with the query: "Under government ownership, 
how many hands would be required to tend a switch- 
board or brake a train ?" 

51 



52 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

An opposite idea was advanced by a gentleman 
with a sarcastic smile, when he said : "They say the 
Government is going to take a naval holiday by 
building no battleships for a year, thereby saving 
some $10,000,000. And," said he, "I don't call 
this saving money. It may be in one way, but what 
are the fellows who would be furnished employ- 
ment going to do? This work would put money 
in circulation and help business all around." 

Now, both of these fellows were shortsighted. 
The one who wrote the "Job Making" article did 
not concern himself about what the surplusage of 
labor was going to do for a living, and the other 
was willing to do unnecessary work in order to 
furnish it with employment. Neither appeared to 
understand national scientific management, which 
would furnish all with employment at useful occupa- 
tions. The same money or labor expended building 
the battleships would build 3,000 to 4,000 houses or 
would equip a long line of railroad. 

Commercialism sends drummers from St. Louis 
to Boston to sell goods manufactured in the West, to 
be shipped, at great expense, to the East, while at 
the same time other drummers are leaving Boston 
with the same line of goods, made in the East, to be 
shipped to the West. It sends steamships here and 
there with goods which could be produced as well 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 53 

in the purchasing country. Millions of tons of coal 
are being used up, burned up, wasted, on railroads 
and steamships, which should be put to better use or 
conserved for future generations. Commercialism 
uses every means to keep up immigration and emi- 
gration, that the steamship lines may make money. 
Mr. Hunter says : "Thousands of agents are work- 
ing continually, among the Italians, inducing them 
to come to America." What care corporations of 
the effect either on the immigrant or on the United 
States? 

Grocer No. 1 sends his teams and men for orders, 
grocer No. 2 follows, and possibly No. 3, with the 
butcher and the baker in close pursuit. Each spends 
from 5 to 20 minutes at each house, and somebody 
pays for all this waste. 



COMMERCIALISM 

Again, commercialism demands capital. It goes 
to the widow and the orphan and to those who have 
worked hard to lay up something for their old age 
or for the education of their children or for busi- 
ness. It promises magnificent returns, but in 90 
cases out of 100 hands out a gold brick. We look 
wise and say they should have used better judgment. 
This kind of talk is sickening, for we should under- 
stand it is all a gamble. Why should widows and 
orphans, carpenters and clerks, be called upon to 
judge concerning the value of a mining stock or of 
a railroad or a manufacturing enterprise? And even 
if they were able to judge, can they foretell what 
outside influence may at any time change the whole 
situation ? It's a lottery at best and the system is a 
disgrace to the 20th century. 

Commercialism takes the foreigner after he has 
arrived here and by the foulest means teaches him 
to drink whiskey, tells him he must use it if he is to 
work in the mines. It sells this poisonous stuff, 
making men into demons, and we lug them off to the 
jails at public expense, and wonder at the high cost 
of living. 

54 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 55 

It is responsible for child-labor, a problem in 
which many of us are interested, and one that it 
is difficult to handle state by state. A national law 
is necessary. 

We are all interested in the child, in his well- 
being and how he shall be educated and what he 
shall do when the time comes. While we are look- 
ing after him, ought we to forget the others who are 
struggling against heavy odds all along the line? 



INSURANCE AND PENSION 

All our present methods add to the cost and give 
inferior results. Take the roundabout methods of 
fire insurance. There are agents and solicitors, 
going over the same ground, begging for business. 
If the insured overlooks a date of expiration he is 
liable to lose all. There are always those who are 
not insured at all and most frequently these are thd 
ones who need it the most. And there is very little 
gained by this over the old way of rebuilding by the 
community save that the unfortunate was looked 
upon as an object of charity, and so considered him- 
self, and in the case of large conflagrations a small 
community could not stand the loss. For these rea- 
sons we would not want to go back to the old way, 
but there is a way that cuts out the charity feeling, 
minimizes the cost, and in the case of the large 
conflagrations and great floods so distributes the 
loss that it is scarcely noticeable, and that is by 
spreading it out over the whole nation. Declare 
everyone insured. The assessed value shall be the 

56 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 57 

insured value. This would tend to regulate assess- 
ing. For both parties would be careful that the 
assessment should be neither too high nor too low. 
For if too high the owner would pay too high a tax 
and if too low he would lose in case of fire. And 
in the case of the Government the reasoning would 
be reversed. 

Many of the houses would be owned by the Gov- 
ernment and in such cases the Government would 
simply rebuild. It will be seen that in all cases it 
would be good business policy for the nation to have 
the best fire protection possible. Our present system 
is so mixed up — insurance companies, fire depart- 
ments, fireproof buildings — that hardly anyone feels 
any great interest. When all these are under one 
head, we see the reason for highest efficiency and 
precautions 

Life and accident insurance and old-age pensions 
would likewise be universal and would therefore do 
much for the removal of poverty. You may remem- 
ber Mr. Hunter said: "Poverty is the fear of 
want." It is far better to have assistance as some- 
thing due than to have it dealt out as charity. 

I notice that policemen, army officers and others 
who are retired on half-pay, hold their heads high 
and are respected by all, as far as the pension is con- 
cerned. I also note that the fellows who get the 



58 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

larger salaries and who might have saved while at 
work are the ones who get favored when retired, 
but those who do the real hard work, for the small 
wage, are retired without warning and without pen- 
sion. 



CONCLUSION 

I might sum up the matter of our individual and 
national well-being by the application of certain 
parts of the twelfth chapter of St. Paul's First 
Epistles to the Corinthians, considering the whole 
nation as the human body. 

V. 12. For as the body is one, and hath many 
members, * * * all the members of that one body, 
being many, are one body. * * * 

V. 17. If the whole body were an eye, where 
were the hearing? If the whole were hearing where 
were the smelling ? * * * * 

V. 19. And the eye cannot say to the hand, I 
have no need of thee ; nor again the head to the feet, 
I have no need of you. * * * 

V. 25. That there should be no schism in the 
body; and the members should have the same care 
one for another. 

V. 26. And whether one member suffer all the 
members suffer with it; or if one member is hon- 
ored, all the members rejoice with it." 

Every member works with and from the foun- 
tainhead, and that fountainhead sends out its rich. 

59 






60 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

red blood to every part. It goes by direct routes; 
there are no hit-or-miss methods. If we would be in 
individual and national good health, our productive 
and circulating system must be worked on the same 
lines, by direct routes and methods. 

Individualism fails because it is one member 
warring against another. 

The promulgation of Nationalism presents the 
grandest opportunity to the Christian who would use 
the lesson of the "Good Samaritan" or who would 
visit the sick or the imprisoned or who would clothe 
the naked. It is well to have the physician for those 
who have been poisoned by the milk or water supply, 
but it is very foolish to fail to look to the supply 
and have it purified. 

After all, Nationalism is but a continuance of 
our present policies and past advances, and many 
of the arguments which are to-day used against it 
have been used against many of the other steps for- 
ward. The public school, the parcel post, the public 
streets, the abolition of slavery, the municipal 
ownership of lighting and water systems, inheritance 
and graded taxes, postal savings-banks, and even 
our tax system most commonly used (a fixed rate 
per thousand), all come from the recognition of the 
fact that society must be run for the well-being of 
all, that individualism leads to oppression and must 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 61 

be continually readjusted in order to be tolerated 
at all. 

What we propose is a deeper realization of the 
divine rights of humanity. We have been told 
about the divine rights of kings and of property. 
We now propose to try out the divine plan for hu- 
manity as a whole. 

The following poem by Ella Wheeler Wilcox was 
clipped from The Boston American of recent date: 

If you listen you will hear, from East to West, 
Growing sounds of discontent and deep unrest. 
It is just the progress-driven plough of God, 
Tearing up the well-worn, custom-bounded sod, 
Shaping out each old tradition-trodden track 
Into furrows fertile, furrows rich and black. 
Oh ! what harvests they will yield 
When they widen to a field ! 

They will widen, they will broaden, day by day, 
As the progress-driven plough keeps on its way, 
It will riddle all the ancient roads that lead 
Into palaces of selfishness and greed. 
It will tear away the almshouse and the slum 
That the little homes and garden plots may come. 
Yes ! the gardens green and sweet 
Shall replace the stony street ! 



62 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

Let the wise man hear the menace that is blent 
In this ever-going sound of discontent. 
Let him hear the rising clamor of the race 
That the few shall yield the many larger space ; 
For the crucial hour is coming when the soil 
Must be given to, or taken back, by toil. 
Oh ! that mighty plough of God — 
Hear it breaking through the sod ! 



THE OPEN FORUM 

In the foregoing chapters I have endeavored to be 
brief, that I might hold the reader's attention until 
he might have acquired some idea of the plans which, 
sooner or later, will be put into operation, not only 
in the nation but in the whole world. 

It has been necessary to leave much unwritten, but 
I deemed it better to take up the points which readers 
might wish explained further, as in an open forum. 

I have taken such questions as are often asked, 
but, without doubt, there are many more the reader 
would like explained, and I should be pleased to 
receive either questions or criticisms and will, as far 
as I am able, answer such, either by mail or in sub- 
sequent issues, or both. 

Yours very earnestly, 

EDWIN GILMORE RICHARDS, 
Sharon, Massachusetts. 



63 



PART II 

INDEX TO QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS 

Question 
No. 

1. What are you going to do with the fellow 

who will not work? 

2. Would not Socialism have a tendency to de- 

stroy the home ? 

3. Would there be any opportunity to loan 

money at interest ? 

4. Is not the person w T ho furnishes another 

with tools whereby he can greatly in- 
crease his output, entitled to something 
for the use of the tools ? 

5. If we cannot get interest, what can we do 

with our money ? 

6. Would the nation carry on the liquor busi- 

ness? 

7. Would those who are now rich be obliged 

to go to work ? 

8. Would there not be too much paternalism? 
Would everyone work for the Government ? 

64 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 65 

9. Would the Government hire married women? 

10. Would not Socialism discourage ambition? 

11. Ought we not to encourage men to use their 

brains ? 

12. Would there be less crime under Socialism? 

13. Would you favor nationalizing the railroads 

if we went no farther? 

14. Cannot business be run more cheaply and 

better by firms and individuals ? 

15. Would the Government grant patents? 

16. Would it be possible to get people to work 

on the farms ? 

17. Is not extravagance the main cause for the 

high cost of living? 

18. Is not poverty due largely to the individual? 

19. Is not intemperance a great cause of poverty ? 

20. Would college education be extended to all? 

21. Would there be any more labor troubles ? 
Are the labor organizations of to-day doing 

good? 

22. How would the hours of labor be regulated? 

23. Ought we not to have gold or something be- 

sides the say so of the Government back 
of our currency? 

24. Would there be any stock exchange ? 

25. Are not Socialists, as a rule, atheistic and 

materialistic? 



66 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

26. Would not everything be all right under our 

present system if we followed the Golden 
Rule? 

27. Should the Christian Church, as a church, 

take any part in its coming? 



QUESTION NO. 1 

WHAT ARE YOU GOING TO DO WITH THE FELLOW 
WHO WILL NOT WORK? 

We realize it is almost impossible to regenerate 
the degenerate, and while, even for that work, we 
believe we have the most effective remedy, we are 
careful not to claim too much. Our proposition is 
more to prevent degeneracy than to cure it. Still, 
an empty stomach is a mighty factor toward stimu- 
lating effort. And when work may be had for the 
asking, and is not too strenuous nor the hours too 
long, there are few, even among the degenerate, 
who will prefer to starve. 

Nationalism does not concern itself about the 
drone other than that he shall render sufficient serv- 
ice to insure the Government against loss in the case 
of accident, old age or infirmity, and that he shall 
reimburse for service rendered to him during child- 
hood, or, in other words, he must render the mini- 
mum tax or service for the support of the necessities 
of the community, during the years of his strength, 
I see no justice in allowing him to escape this duty. 

67 



68 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

Other countries compel a certain amount of war 
service. It is certainly an injustice to others, if 
some do less than their part. 

I do not think there will be much need of force in 
the matter, but we should insist on service. We 
propose to look after the sick and the maimed and 
the aged, but we do not intend to be imposed upon 
by any individual. Of one thing we are quite cer- 
tain — present society has not solved the problem. 

The drone, the vagrant, the drunkard and the 
criminal are all products of our society. The cry of 
the child is : What shall I do next ? When society 
poisons the soul and mind of this child, the child be- 
comes diseased. Society then punishes the victim. 
When we have improved society enough, we shall 
have less trouble with the individual. 



QUESTION NO. 2 

WOULD NOT SOCIALISM HAVE A TENDENCY TO 
DESTROY THE HOME? 

Socialism is the great home-builder, the great 
home-purifier, the great home-sustainer. It is 
"when poverty comes in at the door" that "love 
flies out of the window." To-day love seldom gets 
inside the door; poverty runs on before, ever 
guarding the entrance. 

I am not recommending marriage at sweet six- 
teen, or even at eighteen, but I do know that under 
civilization, homes could be started early in life, 
homes would be maintained, and homes would be 
happy; ten of them where there is one to-day. 

With every child looked upon as an asset (or as 
a liability) by the community, consequently every 
child receiving sufficient for its well-being, why 
shouldn't the home be happy? 

But, you ask: Would you pension the children? 
Would you help parents support them ? And I ask : 
Why not? Was not this same question debated 
when they proposed free public schools? Who 

69 



70 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

usually reaps the benefit of the children when they 
are grown? Many of the parents have passed on, 
and few of the balance receive help directly from 
their children. No ! Either for good or for evil, it 
is the community. And what crime have parents 
committed that they should not only bear the agony, 
care and worry, but should provide money, while 
others, free from all these things, seek only their 
own pleasure? Certainly those who are free from 
the former things should do their part in some other 
way, else the burden of life is not justly distributed. 

Again you say, the country would be flooded with 
children if you make it so easy to bring them up. I 
am not claiming it will be such an easy task to bring 
up children ; it will be easier ; one big drawback will 
be eliminated. As for the quantity of children, we 
find out it works the other way. Poverty is the 
great child-bearer. The middle class and the rich 
barely hold their own. 

The destroyer of the home is now on every hand ; 
at the present moment he is in all the European 
nations, at war with one another. He is here in the 
white slave traffic, the saloon, the house of ill fame, 
and in the factory; he is in the tuberculosis germ. 

Money, or the lack of it, is at the bottom of most 
of our social evils. Why divorce? Often because 
of inability to make both ends meet. Individualism, 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 71 

commercialism, competition, interest, profit, rent, 
unemployment, and a low wage ; these are the things 
which destroy and prevent the homes. And it is 
the business of Socialism to annihilate the*rS de- 
stroyers. 



QUESTION NO. 3 

WOULD THERE BE ANY OPPORTUNITY TO LOAN 
MONEY AT INTEREST? 

That would depend on how far the Govern- 
ment goes in the matter of loaning money. Prob- 
ably there will be no law against taking interest and 
none needed, for if the Government loans, on good 
security or character, as it probably will, at a very 
low rate, or with no interest charge whatever, the 
matter will adjust itself. 

Interest is not a good thing as a whole. It is the 
great drone-maker on the one hand and the oppres- 
sor on the other. It perpetuates generation after 
generation of drones who live upon generation after 
generation of service-renderers. All over the world, 
millions are now slaving to pay interest on war 
debts, many generations old. These wars were 
brought about by the capitalistic class, paid for by 
the blood of the working class, who are still paying 
the debt to that class which should be paying them. 

All these debts should be immediately paid. The 
money should all be collected by graded tax, ex- 

72 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 73 

empting estates of less than $50,000. It might in- 
crease at the rate of 1 per cent each $50,000; as 
$50,000, 1 per cent; $100,000, 2 per cent; $150,000, 
3 per cent; and run to 50 per cent. It might be best 
to divide the debt into several payments so as to 
let the effect of the income from the payments come 
under the later assessments. By this method there 
would be no tax on the man of small means, and the 
rich would still be overburdened with wealth. The 
great burden of the debt would be taken at once 
from the backs of the people, and at the same time 
we should drive a big nail into the coffin of future 
wars, for the rich would see that the financing must 
be borne by them to an extent they would not en- 
dure. 



QUESTION NO. 4 

IS NOT THE PERSON WHO FURNISHES ANOTHER WITH 
TOOLS WHEREBY HE CAN GREATLY INCREASE 
HIS OUTPUT., ENTITLED TO SOMETHING FOR THE 
USE OF THE TOOLS? 

The person who furnishes another with a tool is 
entitled to something for its use just as much as the 
man who used to own the streets was entitled to toll, 
or the private schoolteacher is entitled to his pay, 
but the question arises : How long are we willing to 
endure the disadvantages of privately-owned roads, 
schools, libraries, water works, electric and gas 
service ? And further : How long shall we be will- 
ing to endure the extra cost and disadvantages of 
privately owned factories, railroads, tools, mines and 
slaughter-houses? It is a question of life and 
death to many. When these matters are in the 
hands of private parties, the people suffer unem- 
ployment, poverty and starvation. Co-operative 
ownership means universal employment and plenty. 
The many have more right to save the interest 
charges than the few to extort them. It is wiser 
that the people own the tools than that they hire 
them of a few. 

74 



QUESTION NO. '9 

IF WE CANNOT GET INTEREST WHAT CAN WE DO 
WITH OUR MONEY? 

Anybody can let his money stay to his credit, 
thereby saving all danger of loss through bad in- 
vestments. There are vastly more people who suffer 
from trying to increase their wealth, through the 
various means offered, than profit thereby. Invest- 
ing money has always caused much unhappiness. 
Who is there but lives in constant fear of poverty? 
The fear of failure stares even the wealthy in the 
face. A $30,000,000-failure this week; a million- 
aire last; a large concern of many years' standing, 
head partner no assets. 

Interest must eventually come out of the under 
dog. It's bad sport to lay an extra burden on the 
smaller horse. We ought not to preach Christianity 
and then add to the already heavy burden of the 
weak. 



75 



QUESTION NO. 6 

WOULD THE NATION CARRY ON THE LIQUOR BUSI- 
NESS? 

Certainly the liquor business is one of the most 
important things to take out of the hands of indi- 
viduals. It is one of the great factors for cor- 
rupting the ballot box and politics in general. With 
the Government running the liquor business there 
would be no temptation to increase the business 
or to sell inferior liquors. There is no telling 
how long the liquor business as it is known to-day- 
will continue, but if it does, it should be run exclu- 
sively by the Government, Nationalism or not. 

When there is no individual receiving profit from 
the business, when recreation grounds and rooms are 
on every hand, and experimental trade shops, with 
tools, are open and free to all, the demand for liquor 
will rapidly decrease. Many men drink because they 
have nothing better with which to pass away time. 
We must cut out our present commercial system 
before we can make any great advance along this 
or any other line. 

76 



QUESTION NO. 7 

WOULD THOSE WHO ARE NOW RICH BE OBLIGED TO 
GO TO WORK? 

Personally, I am letting the rich down very 
easily, not because it is just, but because it will be 
less of a jolt. I admit there is no justice in allow- 
ing rich drones to live without work, simply because 
they have always been rich drones. At the same 
time, I feel that we shall avoid a great deal of 
trouble and bitterness by this method, and after all 
it will not matter much, with the right money sys- 
tem. So I am proposing to give all the rich as well 
as the poor credit for all property purchased or 
taken, although at the same time I propose a sharply 
graded tax which will rapidly reduce swollen for- 
tunes and eventually eliminate the rich drones. The 
limits and grades will be fixed according to the 
sentiment of the people, from time to time. 



77 



QUESTION NO. 8 

WOULD THERE NOT BE TOO MUCH PATERNALISM? 
WOULD EVERYONE WORK FOR THE GOVERN- 
MENT? 

Only those who chose would be direct employees 
of the Government. But those who worked inde- 
pendently would of necessity be service-renderers, 
because of Government competition. An independ- 
ent concern would be obliged to satisfy both custom- 
ers and help; hence, as good wages, light, air, and as 
short hours; and on the other hand, it would be 
obliged to sell as low as the Government. If it is 
true, as claimed by some, that private concerns can 
do better than the Government, they will have a 
chance to prove their ability and the truth of the 
assertion. Moreover, it is my plan that the Gov- 
ernment shall do all in its power to assist them just 
as much as though they were directly under gov- 
ernment management, providing all things to them 
at cost prices, and taking their output as though it 
were government made. The amount of paternal- 
ism depends on the amount of patriotism and com- 

78 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 79 

mon sense we put into the ballot box. If we have 
sense enough to demand laws for our own well- 
being, we can get them. If we let the rich and the 
lawyers draft them, we may have plenty of paternal- 
ism. It's all up to the people. The main feature of 
the Government should be real fatherliness, a real, 
genuine and hearty concern for the welfare of all, 
and it's up to the voters to make it so. 



QUESTION NO. 9 

WOULD THE GOVERNMENT HIRE MARRIED WOMEN? 

The Government would hire all who wish to 
work, regardless of sex, color or matrimony. While 
there is truth in the talk, to-day, that married women 
are keeping wages from the single ones (they may 
need it as much or more) , and that the single ones 
are taking men's jobs, and that the apprentices are 
driving the old hands out, it is all because of our 
unorganized system and limited currency. When we 
are all working for use only, and into the general 
storehouse or reservoir, there can be no oversupply 
of labor, for if there was a tendency in that direc- 
tion there would be a reduction in the hours of labor, 
but not in wage ; or, if we prefer, we may build bet- 
ter houses and have more luxuries. 

The apprentice, the single girl or the married 
woman, or even the foreigner, as well as the labor- 
saving machine, would all be considered real helpers 
and be welcomed by fellow-workers. 



80 



QUESTION NO. 10 

WOULD NOT SOCIALISM DISCOURAGE AMBITION? 

There is nothing in the proposition to discourage 
any one, except the grafters. What incentive is 
there, to-day, for any one to go into business with 
the enormous percentage of failures ? To attempt 
to compete to-day is almost foolhardiness. The big 
men know it, hence the trusts. What incentive for a 
young man to go into any line when he knows the 
chances are all against him ? Nationalism offers the 
best possible — success sufficient to all who try, 
abundance for good work, and ultra-abundance for 
extraordinary service. 

There is our patent system, to-day. It does not do 
what it is supposed to do. It discourages rather 
than encourages inventions. It is the financier, not 
the inventor, who gets the benefit. Under National- 
ism the inventor would be paid either outright for 
his ideas or by an annuity, and he would not have to 
finance the proposition. 

In all lines the greater the service the greater the 
wage. This cannot be done to-day as we have 
limited production, but then, when we are working 
together, cooperatively, incentives can be thrown out 
in every direction. 

81 



QUESTION NO. 11 

OUGHT WE NOT TO ENCOURAGE MEN TO USE THEIR 

BRAINS? 

Certainly we should encourage men to use their 
brains — in the right way — for the public good. To- 
day they are encouraged to use them in the wrong: 
way, for their own selfish purposes, regardless of 
the well-being of others. To-day men get rich by 
tricks, by corrupting legislatures, by taking advan- 
tage of the weak, by stock and other gambling. At 
the same time, others with just as good brains but 
either with higher principles or without the oppor- 
tunities, strive on and on until they give up in de- 
spair. 

Most of our great men have attained their wealth 
by financing this or that undertaking. We shall 
have no further use for this kind of financing, and 
why should we pay millions as we do to-day for 
work which men would do better for hundreds and 
consider themselves well-paid? 

Yes, we ought to offer plenty of inducement for 
brains used for our well-being, but not when used 
for our destruction. 



82 



QUESTION NO, 12 

WOULD THERE BE LESS CRIME UNDER SOCIALISM? 

It is very evident to me that with the great causes 
for crime removed there would be less of it. I am 
fully aware that there are other causes for crime 
besides poverty and unemployment. Churches, re- 
formers and parents will always have plenty of work 
to keep passion and lust and even love within 
bounds. 

Apart from the removal of the above-mentioned 
causes, much may be done in the manner of han- 
dling criminals. Our penal institutions are nurseries 
of crime. When a young person is sent to jail for 
a small offence, he is brought under the influence 
of hardened criminals who instruct him in the art 
of crime. The prisons should be reformatories, 
educational institutions, where diseased society is 
trained in the art of doing useful work. And fur- 
ther, when these students graduate, they should be 
assured good jobs at good salaries. Our present 
capitalistic system forbids this. Employer and la- 
borer both claim this would be taking work away 

83 



84 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

from them and would actually be driving the non- 
convict into paths of vice. Both are quite right, but 
only under, and on account of, our individualism. 
If we were all owners of the reservoir or storehouse 
and convicts kept it full, we should not worry, al- 
though we might pity the convicts. 

Another cause for crime is intemperance. Pov- 
erty is the cause of the slum and both are causes for 
intemperance. Intemperance hastens the inevitable 
descent to poverty and the slum, caused by our com- 
mercialism. When commercialism (trading and 
production for profit) has given way to production 
and distribution for use only, there will be less and 
less intemperance, hence less and less crime. And 
further, with the monster commercialism out of the 
way, it will be possible to establish other avenues to 
take the place of that longing to do something which 
is too often filled by liquor, crime and lust. Work- 
shops, with tools, where men and boys can go and 
pass their time, trade-schools of all sorts, music- 
rooms, lecture-rooms, libraries and reading-rooms, 
all will be more than possible out of the great eco- 
nomic saving of scientific management. 



QUESTION NO. 13 

WOULD YOU FAVOR NATIONALIZING THE RAILROADS 
IF WE WENT NO FARTHER? 

This could mean simply government ownership 
of the railroads. Without the proposed currency 
system and with no provision for universal employ- 
ment, we should derive only a small part of the 
advantages of the complete system. Even so, we 
Should be far better off than with our present capi- 
talistic ownership. 

Moreover, we do not expect Nationalism to come 
all at once, so we should favor any section as a step 
toward the inevitable. 



85 



QUESTION NO. 14 

CANNOT BUSINESS BE RUN MORE CHEAPLY AND BET- 
TER BY FIRMS AND INDIVIDUALS? 

All things considered, I believe it costs three 
times as much to run the business of the nation as 
it would under Nationalism. Developments of the 
last few years tend to show that the time is at hand 
when big business cannot be run at all by private 
concerns. The moment they cannot draw new 
capital from the people, they are down and out. 
When has the graft of government officials equalled 
that of railroad and mine officials? The difference 
is that we are able to find out about the former, but 
the latter have been able to cover their tracks; 
$5,000-men on $75,000-salaries, because they can 
be worked to work the people, not because they can 
render the public better service. 

If there was no other item than that of borrow- 
ing money, it would be sufficient to make an enor- 
mous saving. 

An enormous amount of our earnings goes to 
foreign countries. The Government would stop 
this drain at once. 

86 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 87 

Even if it were possible for the private concern 
to run business more cheaply, it would be only at 
the expense of labor. The private concern cannot 
agree to hire at the maximum wage all who apply. 



QUESTION NO. 15 

WOULD THE GOVERNMENT GRANT PATENTS? 

No. It would pay outright for ideas and dis- 
coveries. 

The granting of patents, exclusive rights, is bad 
for the average inventor and for the public. The 
former seldom gets much out of his invention, the 
latter sometimes gets no benefit at all, and always 
pays a high price. If there is anything in it at all, 
it goes to the capitalists, the ones already over- 
burdened with wealth. 

The Government could afford to be liberal with 
inventors, because the people would be directly bene- 
fited, and because, with the credit system, the cost 
is distributed over the time it takes to use up the 
credit and is only such part of the credit as is actu- 
ally used. 

It would be possible for the Government to buy 
at any stage of the invention. Often a person might 
have made a good start, but might be unable to 
work out a successful completion, while another who 
might never have thought of the start would be able 
to finish it. Our present system does not provide 
for this. 

88 



QUESTION NO. 16 

WOULD IT BE POSSIBLE TO GET PEOPLE TO WORK ON 
THE FARMS? 

There are always a few people who see only one 
thing at a time, who ask this question, having an 
idea that people want to live in squalor. These 
people should be reminded that men will do almost 
anything if there is sufficient incentive. They even 
go to war, they go down into the mines, where the 
conditions are none too good. They go where al- 
most certain death awaits them. The farm is a 
paradise compared with other things where there is 
no trouble getting help. But the farm can be made 
more attractive. The average farmer to-day is up 
against it himself, working without sufficient capi- 
tal, with old-fashioned tools, and by out-of-date 
methods ; consequently the proposition he hands out 
to the farm laborer is not very enticing. 

A government, well-equipped, with up-to-date 
methods and tools, would change the proposition en- 
tirely, and if this was not enough, other incentives 
might be introduced, and finally the wage would 
settle the problem. 

89 



QUESTION NO. 17 

IS NOT EXTRAVAGANCE THE MAIN CAUSE FOR THE 
HIGH COST OF LIVING? 

I am well aware that there are those who believe 
that we should reverse the phrase and make it "the 
cost of high living/' It is true that extravagance 
has much to do with the condition of many. At 
the same time there are thousands who have never 
had anything to be extravagant with, and even with 
those more fortunate it is not the case in point, but 
the case in point would have much to do with the 
doing away with extravagance, for our whole sys- 
tem encourages it. 

Merchants strive by all means to induce people 
to buy. People buy what they do not need "to help 
others out," as they say. The rich set an example 
of extravagance, and down through the grades 
wives, children and sweethearts are asking: Why 
cannot we have these things ? Each feels he or she 
must have as good as the rest or be cast aside. 

When there are none teasing to sell goods, when 
to use goods means we are adding to work, and 

90 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 91 

every one is a service renderer, when people cannot 
live at the expense of others, the great factors which 
are encouraging extravagance will be removed. 
The thousand-dollar gown of to-day will be divided 
into many beautiful, serviceable ones. Nationalism 
will take care of many side lines as well as the main 
one. 



- 



QUESTION NO. 18 

IS NOT POVERTY DUE LARGELY TO THE INDIVIDUAL? 

As in all cases the individual is due to society, it 
may be misleading to answer the question directly. 
If we are to overlook the causes which have led up 
to the individual as he stands to-day, there is no 
question but that the individual is in some cases re- 
sponsible for his poverty, but in far more cases, I 
believe, his condition is beyond his control. 

Our proposition goes to the bottom of the matter, 
for we understand full well that the men who are 
strong to-day can be duplicated by the boys of to- 
morrow. It is Socialism that grasps the whole prob- 
lem broadly and understandingly. It does not hesi- 
tate because there are some shiftless people mixed 
in with the deserving poor, but rather, takes the 
course that will cure both diseases. 

Others, with different remedies, or with none at 
all, have given much study to the conditions and 
problems of the poor, and whatever may be their 
suggestions regarding the matter, I find they all 
testify to the fact that the poor, as a rule, are hon- 

92 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 93 

est and hard working-, and that their poverty is due 
to circumstances practically beyond their control, 
and that the few who do pull out are exceptions — 
Napoleons — or else are favored with some unusual 
circumstance or special environment. Mr. H. H. 
Lush in "The Social Life of New Zealand," Mr. 
Robert Hunter in "Poverty," Mr. Henry George in 
"Progress and Poverty," Rev. Josiah Strong, D. 
D., in "The Challenge of the City," and many 
others, all testify that the individual is largely due 
to society. 



QUESTION NO. 19 

IS NOT INTEMPERANCE A GREAT CAUSE OF POVERTY? 

It is, but poverty is a great cause of intemper- 
ance. The two go hand in hand through the slums 
to the jails and the asylums. Getting down to the 
first causes, we shall find commercialism and a bad 
money system. But the profit out of the liquor 
business and how long would it survive ? When we 
have drowned that great monster commercialism we 
shall find it much easier to handle the liquor 
problem. 



94: 



QUESTION NO. 20 

WOULD COLLEGE EDUCATION BE EXTENDED TO ALL? 

I believe it would be extended to all who wanted 
it. But I believe the common schools would give 
all that would be required for the great majority. 
I believe the schools and colleges will specialize 
more, teaching each pupil along lines in which he is 
most interested. 

When business is systematized, the requirements 
and needs will show the lines, from time to time, 
which need more recruits, and the difference in the 
pay will be made sufficient to encourage the extra 
effort. If the wage of the college graduate is not 
enough to pay for the effort, people will not make it. 
On the other hand, if it is too much, there will be 
an oversupply and the wage would have to be 
dropped. The demand for the position is a good 
regulator of the wage when business is run nation- 
ally, and every position is open to all applicants, but 
it is a terrible thing under our present system. 

I believe all school work should be supplemented 
by a certain amount of manual work as well as serv- 
ice of a mental nature. This work should be paid 

95 



96 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

for in wages or credited on tuition. I do not pro- 
pose to carry people through college with no serv- 
ice rendering on their part. It is not healthy for 
anyone to grow up unaccustomed to work. It is 
natural to want to be remunerated for work. And 
it is a good thing to feel that one is earning his own 
education to a certain extent, at least. 

The school programme should be worked out in 
such a manner as to add efficiency and decrease ex- 
pense. Students can be used to assist in tutoring, 
thereby assisting the community, the other scholars, 
and adding to their own strength. 

Roger W. Babson, in "The Future of the Work- 
ing Class," says : "To-day the boys and girls of our 
lands are first given ten or more years of all school 
and no work. This abruptly is brought to an end, 
and in a day another period is substituted therefor, 
of many more years of all work and no school. 
This is unreasonable, unscientific, if not brutal, and 
is the fundamental cause of the present school sys- 
tem being a failure. The present system of edu- 
cation is like feeding a man on all vegetables for 
ten years and then on all meat for another ten 
years." 



QUESTION NO. 21 

WOULD THERE BE ANY MORE LABOR TROUBLES? 
ARE THE LABOR ORGANIZATIONS TO-DAY DOING 
GOOD? 

I believe labor troubles as we know them to-day- 
would pass away, but I do not expect people are go- 
ing to be satisfied, that they are not going to com- 
plain. It is well that it should be so. Every trade, 
every profession, should be alert for its own ad- 
vancement and well-being. As for the labor organ- 
izations of to-day, I feel their work is too much of 
the nature of lifting oneself by one's boot straps. 
Mr. Munsey stated some time ago in his magazine, 
that you cannot have high wages and low cost of 
living, which is true as long as our present system 
continues. He also stated that there is no man nor 
any political party which can give you both a high 
wage and a low cost of living, and this is very un- 
true, because a political party can, if in power, 
change the whole system and give us God's, which 
is much for little effort. 

God's system of a high wage and a low cost of 

97 



98 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

living has been temporarily overthrown by greed 
and ignorance. Labor organizations should dig 
deeper and realize the uselessness of raising wages 
tinder our present systems which allows the product 
to advance also. The organizations do not solve the 
problem of the unemployed, and this is a serious 
thing in itself. 

The full wage, short hours, old-age pensions, 
guaranteed employment, shifts of work, good light, 
pure air, and safeguards will do much to satisfy 
men. It is really only under great provocation that 
men are violent. 

The trouble is we have not been trying to solve 
the problem. We have been trying to avoid it. 



QUESTION NO. 22 

HOW WOULD THE HOURS OF LABOR BE REGULATED? 

This question has been answered to a certain ex- 
tent on page 45. 

The hours of labor would be regulated by the 
individual himself, to a large extent. Some would 
work five hours and others would prefer to work 
twelve. There is absolutely no reason why each 
should not do as he chose. The five hours would 
furnish the one with all his needs, including his in- 
surance, and the twelve hours would be taking work 
from no one, but would, instead, be adding to the 
wealth of all. 

My statement in "Nationalism 1910" was as fol- 
lows: 

Labor ; make what is needed. 

Wages ; that which is made. 

Hours of labor; the time which it takes. 

Under Nationalism, the long-hour man, the mar- 
ried woman or any of those of whom we say: 
"They are taking the jobs from the needy," would, 
in reality, be helping the other fellow, adding to his 

99 



100 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

wealth, as by the credit-money system and National- 
ism combined, production immediately goes to the 
people, but the actual expense of it is borne only 
when the credit is taken up. If it is never taken up, 
it is a free gift to the community. 

Our present system has reached a very acute 
state, so that for one to work hard, or long hours, 
or to work at all if he has a few thousand dollars, 
brings down the contempt of his fellow-workers. 
The tendency of the times is to make the job last. 
This is bad for the ambition and well-being of the 
worker, bad for the employer, and especially bad 
for the one who is paying for the job. 

I am told that, in the laying of shingles, wages are 
three times as high as they were forty years ago, 
and that it is harder to get one thousand laid to-day 
than it was to get twenty-five hundred laid then. 
This would show that it costs seven and one-half 
times as much for the laying as formerly. The 
whole expense of shingling has not increased that 
much, for the shingles are no higher. 

Socialism will bring back the old-time enthusiasm 
without its hardships. 



QUESTION NO. 23 

OUGHT WE NOT TO HAVE GOLD OR SOMETHING BE- 
SIDES THE SAY SO OF THE GOVERNMENT BACK 
OF OUR CURRENCY ? 

Most assuredly, but nothing so worthless, so 
purely psychological, so wasteful and so barbaric as 
gold. Such a standard not only adds to the cost of 
living, but teaches wrong ideas regarding values and 
service, so that the world is striving for gold, for 
wealth, instead of being taught to render service for 
a just reward. 

There should be no standard of value save labor. 
If $20 in gold does not represent $20 in labor there 
has been injustice to some one. 

The time spent digging gold might have been 
better spent in many ways. Houses might have 
been built, clothing made, gardens planted and taken 
care of. 

Roger W. Babson, a non-Socialist, writes in 
"The Future of the Working Class" : "History 
shows that gold collected by hoarding has never 
availed much in long wars. Rome, Venice and 

101 



102 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

Florence all fell when their gold supply was the 
greatest. The decline of Spain began when the peo- 
ple left her soil to work the gold mines in Mexico. 
Prosperity which comes through increasing the ca- 
pacity of the reservoir (that is, through increasing 
knowledge, building factories, railroads, houses, 
etc.) sticks, but all other forms are delusions/' 

The standard of value should be a certain amount 
of physical labor. There is no certainty that this 
price will always prevail, there is no reason why it 
should. It is absolute folly to try to keep values 
the same, all the time. But prices have a tendency 
to keep steady, owing to the great variety of them. 

We might start with any given amount of defi- 
nite labor as a standard of the dollar, such as the 
loading of a certain amount of coal. At the time 
of making this the standard we might be able to 
find plenty of help at that price, while in a year we 
might have to pay $1.25 for the same labor and we 
might be able to hire other work done for less than 
was paid the year before. This is as it should be 
and as it must be. To set a fixed price on anything 
for all time would be absurd. 

In regard to having something of value back of 
money, it is and always will be the integrity of the 
Government that counts. Billions of gold without it 
count for nothing and no gold but the vast resources 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 103 

of the country, together with our national lv^iior, 
counts for all possible. 

In times of war there is no knowing what will 
happen, but one thing is certain; there is very little 
danger of accounts being seized by opposing armies 
or carried to the bottom of the ocean, as the millions 
of gold currency may be. Any system may and will 
be abused if opportunity offers. Citizens, return- 
ing just as the European war was breaking out, re- 
port they were forced to pay $50 in gold for service 
usually worth twenty-five cents. 

If foreign nations are willing to take gold it might 
be w y ell to let them have it all, thereby saving our 
real wealth — cattle, wheat, etc., for our own use. 

Money should show a simple record of service 
rendered and received. It should cost the least pos- 
sible for the correct performance of the task. To 
pay $20 for a record which could be obtained for 
two cents means a loss of $19.98. 

Again, production should be limited only by the 
ability and willingness of the people, not by a money 
supply. Going back to our ledger example, could 
anything be more absurd than for laborers to be 
refused work because the pages of the ledger were 
used up ? Would we not add leaves and let the ex- 
change of service go on? 



QUESTION NO. 24 

WOULD THERE BE ANY STOCK EXCHANGE? 

Here, again, we have another business which 
should be run exclusively by the Government, if it is 
to be run at all. After a while it is quite likely there 
will be no call for one, as the Government would 
own the mines, railroads, etc. But to-day and in the 
coming transitional period the Government should 
act as go-between for those who actually have stock 
to sell and those who wish to buy. This would be 
very different from the present gambling institution 
which goes under the cloak "'The Stock Exchange." 
The business as it is carried on to-day is a disgrace 
to the nation and to the world. Even at the best 
possible, it would be an unnecessary gamble. These 
problems of the mines and the railroads should not 
be borne by small numbers nor their profits kept by 
them. They should be for the whole nation and the 
expense of operating them should also be divided 
among all the people. 

When thus divided, the prospect which proves 
poor causes no noticeable harm. If borne by a few, 

104 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 105 

it causes suffering, but when this loss is enhanced by 
artificial means, by stock jobbing, by false represen- 
tations, by washed or faked sales, it has gone the 
limit. 

The stock exchange is probably the second worse 
corruptor of morals in the country. It is one of 
three great cancers eating the life out of the nation. 



QUESTION NO. 25 

ARE NOT SOCIALISTS AS A RULE ATHEISTIC AND 
MATERIALISTIC ? 

It may be true that Socialists find the present evils 
and future possibilities of this world sufficient for 
their activities and are not overanxious concerning 
the hereafter, having sufficient faith in the Maker 
to leave the hereafter in His hands. Nor are they 
without Scripture to uphold them in this position. 
It is not absolutely necessary for one to believe in a 
future life in order to be spiritual, and one may have 
the utmost faith in a future life and be very ma- 
terialistic. But it is necessary for one to be altruistic 
in order to be spiritual. 

The real difference: spirituality — the desire that 
others may be blessed with good things ; materialism 
— the desire that self may be blessed with good 
things. 

The new birth which Jesus taught was nothing 
save the casting off of selfishness, and the taking on 
of heavy, vivid and brotherly concern. 

It is easy enough to have faith in a far away 

106 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 107 

paradise, a happy hunting ground, a celestial city, 
but have you enough faith in your God to see this 
world of His transformed in a hundred, fifty, or ten 
years? Christian, is your faith equal to this test? 
The Socialist's is. 

The following from Rev. Josiah Strong, D. D., 
may start somebody in a grander line of thought : 

"The common conception of religion which fixes 
attention on heaven as the great desideratum, which 
makes this life simply a probation, and the 'salvation 
of the soul' its great business, is entirely foreign to 
the teaching of Jesus. And the misconception is due 
to having forgotten or misconceived the kingdom of 
God — to having lost sight of the fact that the great 
burden of Christ's preaching was an ideal world." 



QUESTION NO. 26 

WOULD NOT EVERYTHING BE ALL RIGHT UNDER OUR 
PRESENT SYSTEM., IF WE FOLLOWED THE GOLDEN 
RULE? 

If we followed the Golden Rule we could not have 
the present system. But to follow it in the sense 
that is meant when one asks this question might 
make a disorder even worse than our present. 
Honest people have different remedies for certain 
misdemeanors. One thinks corporeal punishment 
necessary while another would use moral suasion. 
The Golden Rule has been used on both sides of the 
same war. Our present war should teach us that we 
must have definite rules of action laid down if we 
expect wars to be discontinued. The Golden Rule is 
a fine thing, but something more is needed to bring 
about a desirable social system. 

"How do you mix your paints?'' 

"With brains, sir." 

The Golden Rule must be mixed with brains. We 
must get rid of a lot of false ideas concerning money 
and its use, capital, interest, profit, land ownership, 

108 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 100 

etc., or wc can follow the Golden Rule to our de- 
struction. Let the blind lead the blind and both may 
fall into the ditch though they both have the kind- 
liest intentions. But let in the light and they will 
walk in peace and joy. Take the Golden Rule, mix 
with economic truth, and we may bring in a king- 
dom of joy, peace and plenty on earth. 



QUESTION NO. 27 

SHOULD THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH AS A CHURCH 
TAKE ANY PART IN ITS COMING? 

We might as well ask : Should it take any part 
in the coming of the kingdom of God on earth? 
The great concern of Jesus was for the people right 
here on earth. He used the best means at his com- 
mand to relieve them of their suffering. His par- 
ables of heaven were used to persuade man to live 
right and do right on earth. 

As disciples, the Church must follow, but the 
responsibility of to-day is tremendous, for the means 
at our command and the power of the common 
people are very different from the time of Christ. 

If the Church has a particle of the spirit of the 
Good Samaritan, it cannot pass by on the other side 
of this great social question, as did the priest and the 
Levite, thinking the Temple worship of more ac- 
count than rendering service to the sufferer. And 
if the Church does cross over and examine the 
wounds of society to-day, if it is half as much con- 
cerned for the children of others as for its own, if 

110 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 111 

it used half the brain-effort it docs in its own daily 

business, there could be no question of the result — ■ 
the remedy is too apparent. 

Every avenue of church and city and slum work 
brings out the same report : "We can do, oh, so 
little, in comparison with the needs. ,, The rescue 
missions, the children's homes, the temperance 
leagues, the consumers' leagues, are all unable to 
cope with the situation. 

Shall the Church allow the cross to be borne only 
by those outside its membership? Shall it be said, 
in that day: "I was enhungered, I was sick and in 
prison and ye visited me not?" 

• ••••••• 

"And he said unto him a third time — Feed my 
sheep." 



WAR EXTRA 

As I close, the great, so-called Christian, nations 
of Europe are rushing at each other with all the 
diabolical implements of torture, death and destruc- 
tion. 

In referring to our present state of society I have 
used the word "barbaric." The word may have 
seemed out of place and harsh to some, but in the 
light of the present war, it appears weak and in- 
adequate. 

What will be the outcome of this fiendish out- 
burst no one can foretell, but it surely presents food 
for thought. We might observe first, that these 
nations have been preparing for war for years, and 
that without these preparations no such slaughter 
would be possible ; that instead of agreeing to settle 
all international disputes by an international court, 
they have made rules for war. They have agreed 
to do so and so before declaring war. 

It was not many years ago that individuals 
thought honor must be defended by duels. Nations 
still murder at wholesale to defend national honor, 
but the principals are very careful to keep personally 

113 



NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 113 

out of danger. We are willing to murder thousands 
of human beings because a soldier has been im- 
prisoned or our flag dishonored, where we might 
have shown kindness and had it honored. We have 
one rule for the individual and another for the 
nation. 

Apart from the question of honor, we find other 
causes for this terrible anti-Socialistic state of 
affairs. We find too much of the spirit of con- 
quest, too much of the gaming instinct. Especially 
do we find commercialism, capitalism and national 
competition back of the whole infernal thing. Go 
to Mexico and find who are sapping the wealth and 
life of the people. This commerce for profit leads 
in the march to "hell/' 

Apart from the distress among the soldiers and 
their families and the suffering of the citizens of 
the countries at war, there are some thoughts for 
us here at home. With the war in its very infancy, 
w r heat, flour and many other things began to jump 
in price. The cost of sugar almost doubled in a fort- 
night. Yet we had an enormous crop of wheat, 
unprecedented. The stock exchange has been closed 
for weeks. The business situation is unsettled. 
Now, if the Government, instead of individuals 
and speculators, owned and produced these things 
for use, there would be no advance in prices 



114 NATIONALISM IN A NUTSHELL 

to our own people, and if there was any to other 
countries, the profit would go to the whole of the 
people. If the world was Socialized there would 
be no war. In the matter of sugar, we are at the 
mercy of commerce and individuals who in turn 
are at the mercy of shifting tariff laws and home 
and foreign competition. 

Under Nationalism we would be producing 
enough for all our needs, so that the shipping ques- 
tion would have no effect on us at all. Nationalism 
means security even in war (provided we keep out 
of war ourselves). World-wide Socialism means 
the end of all war. 

As we gather up the dead and the wounded, as 
we pay the war prices and the pensions and the war 
debts, may we remember that Socialism stands 
solidly against all war, and moreover that it will do 
away with the causes which lead to this brutish 
method of settling disputes and preserving "national 
honor/' 

FINIS 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



DDDlElbflQED 



